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Marco Rubio, above, is one of the
most extreme members of Congress when it comes to immigration, but his record
was unchallenged during the election. He supports Arizona’s SB 1070, is against
the DREAM Act and immigration reform, and doesn’t even think the undocumented
should be counted in the census. He even opposed Sonia Sotomayor’s Supreme Court
nomination. He is very savvy when speaking to the Hispanic community. He
emphasizes his personal story and his parents’ pursuit of the American Dream. |
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Hispanics Are Fleeing Republicans,
Not Flocking to Them
WASHINGTON &
SANTA FE, NM
(By
Vanessa Cárdenas, Center for
American Progress)
January 3, 2011
— A few conservative talking heads
are pointing to the slight increase
in Hispanic support for Republicans
in the 2010 election as evidence of
growing support for the GOP among
Hispanics. Careful scrutiny,
however, reveals this assertion is
nothing more than spin. Republican
support among Hispanics is actually
at one of its lowest points due to
the fact Republicans have done a
good job at alienating the Hispanic
community in the last few years.
The GOP is trying to salvage its
reputation and brand among
Hispanics. Just last week Newt
Gingrich hosted an outreach event
bringing together conservative
leaders to discuss their agenda. But
these efforts are not enough to
placate years of beating down on
immigrants, including efforts to
criminalize the immigrant community;
denying birthright citizenship to
children born in the United States;
and promoting Arizona-like policies
across the nation. And with unified
opposition to the upcoming DREAM Act
vote, Republicans continue to
marginalize the Hispanic community.
Conservative Republicans argue they
made inroads among Hispanics in the
2010 election because the GOP got 38
percent of the Hispanic vote. This
represents an increase of 9 percent
compared to the 29 percent of
support among Hispanics in 2008.
There are two points to make in
regard to this increase. First,
national polling numbers likely
overstated Hispanic support for
Republicans by a significant amount
because pollsters rely on small
sample sizes of Hispanic voters, do
not take into consideration the fact
the Hispanic electorate is
concentrated in more urban
locations, and do not accurately
capture Spanish-dominant Hispanic
voters. A more accurate analysis,
therefore, needs to be made to
better assess voting trends,
particularly among those who are
Spanish dominant. But even if we
accept the poll numbers cited by
Republicans, the claims of a rosy
future between them and Hispanics
are fundamentally wrong.
Second, while it’s true there was a
slight increase in support for the
GOP, this is not surprising nor a
trend because in every midterm
election the party in power usually
losses votes. The 8 percentage-point
decline in Hispanic support for
Democrats is identical to the 8
percentage-point decline in
non-Hispanic support for Democrats
between 2008 and 2010. In other
words, Hispanic support for
Democrats declined in line with the
rest of the electorate.
Conservatives try to further their
argument by comparing the 2010
election to the 2006 election when
Republicans had 30 percent of
support among Hispanics. They
conclude there is a 17 percent
increase in total Hispanic support
by adding the 8 percent increase
from 2006 to 2010 and the 9 percent
increase from 2008 to 2010. They
make this claim, however, while
ignoring the well-known fact in 2006
Republicans lost 10 percentage
points among Hispanics after the
high-water mark of 40 percent
support in 2004.
They also point to a few races where
Republicans won with Hispanic
support — mainly Gov. Rick Perry in
Texas, Sen. John McCain in Arizona,
and Marco Rubio in Florida. But
these states have a traditionally
Republican bent, so it is no
surprise Republicans are winning
there. More importantly, the
Republicans that ran and won those
races value the Hispanic vote.
Perry, McCain, and Rubio went to
great lengths to avoid the extreme
rhetoric on Hispanics, immigrants,
and immigration that often comes
from the GOP’s highest levels.
Gov. Perry was named the number one
Hispanic-friendly politician of the
2010 election by Somos Republicans,
an Arizona-based organization. And
Sen. McCain has a long, and for the
most part positive, relationship
with Hispanics in his state. At one
point he enjoyed a whooping 70
percent of the Hispanic vote — a
rarity among Republicans. True, he
has completely flipped his position
on immigration reform from being one
of its champions to turning his back
on his own proposals. But his "Nay" on
the Dream Act vote clearly reveals
his former support for Hispanics was
all about show and his inner true belief
is outright racism. McCain has no
scruples and has now align himself
with Arizona's Apartheid movement
along with Joe Arpaio, Tom Horne,
Russell Pearce and Jan Brewer.
Rubio’s race deserves a more nuanced
analysis. First of all, he is
emblematic of a new breed of
Hispanic elected officials who have
chosen not to support immigration
reform and promote an
enforcement-only posture. This is
significant because it shows the GOP
is supporting and promoting
Hispanics who are adopting a stance
on immigration that is out of step
with most Hispanics and the rest of
the electorate.
Senator-elect Marco Rubio is, in
fact, one of the most extreme
candidates when it comes to
immigration and other progressive
issues. He supports Arizona’s SB
1070, is against the DREAM Act and
immigration reform, and doesn’t even
think the undocumented should be
counted in the census. He even
opposed Sonia Sotomayor’s Supreme
Court nomination. Yet his record on
immigration was unchallenged during
the election.
Rubio was successful in downplaying
his extremist position when speaking
to the Hispanic community because he
emphasized his personal story and
his parents’ pursuit of the American
Dream and often avoided the details
of what he would actually do to
address the 12 million undocumented.
He instead often declared his
support for legal immigration — but
then who isn't?
He managed to win 45 percent of the
overall Hispanic vote in Florida.
But this number is less impressive
when you compare it to the other
Republican Hispanics in Florida. Mel
Martinez, the Cuban American
Republican senator whom Rubio will
replace, won 60 percent of the
Hispanic vote in 2004. And in the
2008 election Rep. Ileana
Ros-Lehtinen (R-FL) received 64
percent of the Hispanic vote while
Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart (R-FL) won 67
percent. What this means is Rubio is
walking a very tight rope when it
comes to maintaining support among
Hispanics even in traditionally
Republican Florida.
The lesson the GOP should learn from
2010 is in a historically bad year
for Democrats with historically bad
economic circumstances, Democrats
still got 22 percent more Hispanic
support with 60 percent of the their
vote. The GOP should also note they
did worse among Hispanics in 2010
than they did in 2004 even though
2004 and 2010 were both good years
for the party.
Instead of spinning the facts,
conservatives should heed the call
of those who want to reposition
their party in the Hispanic
community. By all accounts they have
their work cut out for them. The
112th Congress brings a Republican
majority with notorious antireform
leaders such as Steve King (R-IO)
and Lamar Smith (R-TX), and an
agenda clearly out of step with what
matters to Hispanics.