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State Democratic Party Chairman
Javier Gonzales, left, and his father, former Santa Fe Mayor George Gonzales,
hang out Sept. 23 at their radio station, AM 810 Que Suave. 'This community has
been defined by so much more than politics, Javier Gonzales said. |
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400 Years of
Santa Fe
Politics:
Where Power,
Influence
Collide
SANTA FE (By
Julie Ann
Grimm,
The New
Mexican)
October 14,
2010 ― "It's
easy to put
Santa Fe on
an island,"
says Javier
Gonzales.
"It's easy
to say,
'That's
where those
guys can
make those
crazy
policies.'"
As state
Democratic
Party
chairman,
Gonzales
sees that
the rest of
New Mexico
cannot
disassociate
Santa Fe
from the
exercise of
political
influence
and power.
But to
Gonzales,
Santa Fe is
more than
the state
capital.
It's his
hometown.
"Those of us
here in
Santa Fe, we
are very
proud of
it," he
said. "This
community
has been
defined by
so much more
than
politics.
And sadly,
what the
rest of the
state
sometimes
does is to
define us as
a community
that is just
purely
politically
driven
rather than
a community
built on
family and
culture and
diversity."
It is
undeniable,
he said,
that Santa
Fe is the
political
center of
New Mexico.
Any survey
of history
or the many
government
buildings
would show
that.
Throughout
2010, Santa
Fe has
remembered
and honored
its 400
years of
history,
including
the
fundamental
fact that
the city has
been a seat
of
government
since its
founding.
"Government
that is
your
dominant
industry out
there,"
economist
Larry
Waldman said
matter-of-factly.
Political
insiders
like
Gonzales see
daily what
it means for
Santa Fe to
be the
capital
city. The
city always
has been a
place of
conventions,
rallies and
protests
reasons for
activist
Santa Feans
to act on
the impulse
to question
authority.
From its
early days,
Santa Fe has
been at the
intersection
of money and
influence,
serving as a
magnet for
bankers,
lawyers and
developers.
The struggle
for power
has turned
deadly
serious at
times, to
the point
that
assassinations
were part of
the
political
history.
Today,
government
is known
largely as
the economic
engine for
Santa Fe,
said
Waldman, an
analyst with
the Bureau
of Business
and Economic
Research at
The
University
of New
Mexico in
Albuquerque.
"It's a
major,
well-paying
employer,"
he said,
noting city
data that
show
government
workers in
Santa Fe
make an
average of
21 percent
more than
all other
workers in
the county
and 27
percent more
than workers
in all other
industries
statewide.
But beyond
jobs, there
also is a
long
tradition of
activism on
a personal
level, said
Gonzales,
who is both
a member of
a
public-spirited
family and a
political-party
pragmatist.
There are
families, he
said, "who
have, within
their own
structure,
placed
public
service of
high value,
and that has
been
consistent
over
generations."
As a party
chair,
Gonzales
enjoys a
political
process that
accommodates
progress
while
respecting
tradition.
In a month,
New Mexico
will see its
latest key
moment in
political
history. For
the first
time, New
Mexico will
elect a
female
governor
when it
chooses
between
Democrat
Diane Denish
and
Republican
Susana
Martinez.
Whole family
involved
Gonzales'
own family
tree is full
of people
who left
lasting
impressions
on Santa Fe
politics.
His father,
George, was
mayor and a
candidate
for
Congress;
his
godfather,
Johnny
Vigil, was
the county
Democratic
chairman for
six years in
the 1960s;
and a more
distant
ancestor on
his mother's
side was the
state
auditor.
It seemed
natural,
almost
expected,
that Javier
Gonzales
would make
his mark.
At 26, he
challenged
and defeated
an incumbent
Santa Fe
county
commissioner,
won
re-election
four years
later and in
2002 left
office
because of
term limits
after eight
years.
During that
time, he
considered
running for
Congress,
and he
served
during his
final term
as board
president of
the National
Association
of Counties.
"We worked
really
hard," he
said of his
entrance to
elected
office. "But
there is no
doubt that
my family
name, my
dad's name,
and
certainly
the
(family's)
radio
station
helped.
There were a
lot of
contributing
factors that
allowed me
to win
outside of
just me.
"I think
that's part
of the whole
400 years of
Santa Fe,
through the
generations.
Family plays
a role, not
just for
those in
government,
but also in
business or
in the
nonprofit
world. With
the Northern
New Mexico
family, when
an
individual
gets
involved,
the whole
family gets
involved."
Still,
Gonzales was
reluctant to
attribute
power to any
particular
family or
families. He
said that
even though
voter
participation
is low, the
government
structure
gives people
a loud voice
if they use
it.
"I don't
know that I
would call
them
powerful
families,"
he said,
referring
instead to
families
that value
service
people like
Bruce King,
a county
commissioner
who went on
to serve
three terms
as governor,
whose son
Gary is now
the attorney
general and
whose niece
Rhonda is a
state
senator.
"I think
it's more of
a testament
to the
values that
families
have about
public
service and
the
obligation
that we have
to it more
than an
accumulation
of power,"
Gonzales
said. "I
don't think
that we live
in a day
where just
one family
by its
existence
can
single-handedly
influence."
Personal
campaign
style
One
successful
politician
who grasped
the nature
of personal
politics was
former Gov.
David Cargo.
In the
1960s, his
four years
as an
Albuquerque
legislator
followed by
two terms as
governor
allowed him
to witness
what he said
was a
drastic
change in
the way
things were
done in New
Mexico.
Cargo, 80,
an attorney,
still works
on labor
issues. He
is proud of
his role as
governor in
filing a
successful
lawsuit that
resulted in
redrawn
legislative
districts in
which
Hispanics,
Native
Americans
and women
could
compete as
candidates.
As a
Republican
in a
Democratic
stronghold,
Cargo
benefited
from the
help of
"potent
Northern New
Mexico
politicians."
Before the
New Deal,
Republicans
held many
statewide
offices and
a majority
in the
Legislature,
but urban
population
surges
during and
after the
Depression
favored the
Democrats.
So how did
Cargo win
the hearts
of Democrats
in 1966 to
become, at
37, New
Mexico's
youngest
governor?
Part of his
success, he
said, came
because as a
young
attorney, he
shared an
office with
a
brother-in-law
to Dennis
Chavez, the
Democrat who
held a U.S.
Senate seat
from 1935 to
1962.
Although
Chavez died
four years
before Cargo
ran for
governor,
his
influence
persisted.
"He was an
old-style
politician,"
Cargo
recalled.
"He would
name off the
list of
people, and
he would
say, 'You go
campaign for
Dave Cargo,'
and they
would."
Cargo said
he carried
Northern New
Mexico by
campaigning
the old way.
"I would go
out into
personal
campaigning,"
he said. "I
didn't have
any money. I
spent about
$16,000
getting
elected
governor.
Richardson
spent $16
million and
Susana
Martinez is
spending
money till
it doesn't
quit. ...
"During the
whole
campaign for
governor, I
don't think
I ever
stayed in a
hotel or
motel. I
stayed in
the homes of
people
supporting
me and
usually they
were people
who Dennis
Chavez
recommended."
Backroom
politics
Chavez also
was the
reason Cargo
won support
in Santa Fe
County,
where during
a series of
meetings in
smoke-filled
rooms at La
Fonda,
leading
Democrats
threw their
support to
Cargo. He
recalled
witnessing
stacks of
cash and
wine and
whiskey
donated by
liquor mogul
George
Maloof being
delivered to
political
leaders who
needed
encouragement.
The intimacy
of New
Mexico's
politics and
the
red-carpet
treatment
Santa Fe
gives
politicians
make New
Mexico
unique,
Cargo said.
"You have a
state
government
that is
really much
more
influential
here than in
other
places," he
said.
Even as he
chuckled at
"the way
things were"
during his
campaign,
Cargo said
he tried to
change the
way state
officials
handed out
jobs. His
predecessor,
Jack
Campbell,
had set up
the state's
first
personnel
act, but
Cargo said
hiring as he
took office
still wasn't
based on
merit.
"It was all
political,"
he said. "I
wanted to
reform it
because it
was a
horrible
system."
Cargo's
record
reflected
the times.
He served at
the height
of the
civil-rights
movement,
and some
schools in
New Mexico
were still
segregated.
He helped
pass the
state's
first
human-rights
legislation
and set an
example for
crossing
long-established
lines by
appointing
Hispanos to
his cabinet
and
funneling
public-works
projects to
an all-black
community
south of Las
Cruces.
Cargo's late
ex-wife, Ida
Jo Robeson,
was the
state's
first
Hispanic
first lady
since 1918.
When Taos
Pueblo
fought the
federal
government
over its
sacred lands
at Blue
Lake, Cargo
recruited
President
Richard
Nixon to
help.
Cargo found
minority
groups at a
disadvantage.
"There was
not a single
Indian in
the
Legislature,
and the
Anglos
really did
control
things," he
said.
400
years of
power
How
particular
racial,
ethnic or
demographic
groups have
used power
has been an
issue in
Santa Fe for
four
centuries.
Today,
representation
of women and
Native
Americans in
positions of
leadership
seems
disproportionately
small.
Founded as a
colonial
capital,
Santa Fe
sprung up in
a region
that had
been home to
Indian
people long
before the
Spanish
arrived to
put the
territory on
Europe's
map.
The first
two capitals
of the
colony of
New Spain
were to the
north, at
present-day
Okhay
Owingeh and
San Gabriel,
both settled
and
abandoned by
members of
Oρate's
exploratory
party in the
last years
of the 16th
century.
When Pedro
de Peralta
arrived in
New Mexico
as the first
colonial
governor, he
established
the capital
in a
strategic
location. In
1610,
construction
began over
the ruins of
Tanoan
Indian
village, and
Peralta
formally
named it
Villa Real
de la Santa
Fe, or Royal
City of Holy
Faith.
After
decades of
oppression,
Native
Americans
exerted
their own
power by
overthrowing
the colonial
government
in what's
known as the
Pueblo
Revolt of
1680. The
Spanish
returned 12
years later.
New Mexico
was part of
Mexico after
independence
from Spain
in 1821.
U.S. troops
entered
Santa Fe in
1846, and
New Mexico
was governed
as a U.S.
territory
from 1848 to
1912.
Washington
appointed
territorial
officials in
Santa Fe,
but voters
chose local
office
holders
through
elections.
After a
64-year
quest for
statehood,
New Mexico
in 1912
joined the
union and
won, among
other
things, the
right to
elect its
leaders and
representatives.
First female
governor
The latest
major change
will come
next month
with
election of
the first
woman as
governor.
The Santa Fe
mayoral
election
earlier this
year also
featured a
rare female
candidate,
former City
Manager
Asenath
Kepler, who
lost to
incumbent
Mayor David
Coss.
Women
haven't
appeared in
Santa Fe
political
offices or
statewide
elected
roles as
often as
their male
counterparts.
The reasons
aren't that
different
from what
happens
across the
nation.
Women are
burdened by
the
inability to
raise money
and by
family
responsibilities,
explained
Rebecca
Frenkel, a
member of
the League
of Women
Voters.
Nonetheless,
women have
been
influential,
she said,
and league
members plan
to use the
organization's
60th
anniversary
in 2010 to
publicize
the role of
women.
"We've found
out about
women in New
Mexico who
participated
in the
women's
suffrage
movement and
who were
instrumental
in
establishing
the League
of Women
Voters
nationally,"
she said.
"There have
always been
women in
Santa Fe who
have been
involved in
some aspect
of political
action. ...
They have
been very
active, but
not always
in the role
of elected
officials."
Statistics
from Emerge
New Mexico,
a group that
recruits and
trains women
to run for
office, put
New Mexico
12th in the
nation for
its number
of women
serving in
the
Legislature.
Still, the
state House
and Senate
remain 70
percent
male.
Reena
Szczepanski,
Emerge
director,
said women
don't run as
often as
men,
research
shows,
because they
are less
likely to
feel
qualified.
"It's not
that voters
don't want
to see women
in office or
that there
are more
barriers for
women who
decide to
run," said
Szczepanski.
"What we
have seen in
the research
is that
women are
less likely
to decide
they want to
run."
After the
November
election
featuring
two women as
candidates
for
governor,
patterns
might
change,
Szczepanski
said.
"Having at
least four
years of a
woman
governor
should serve
to inspire
women that
they can get
to elected
office, that
they can
serve their
community,"
she said.
"Whoever
wins needs
to take
seriously
her
responsibility
as a role
model,
particularly
for those
young
girls." |
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